Dimineata mortii download torrents

dimineata mortii download torrents

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Spune ce ai de spus? Sadoveanu, 50 j resignation: de! Sadoveanu, b: 53 3. Slavici, Leonida oprind-o : St! Caragiale, a: 93 - to stop an action: ho! Zamfirescu, c address - addressing somebody directly: alo! Filimon, 31 Zoe Caragiale, d: - swear words: anasana anasani! Hai sictir! Preda, - thanks, gratitude: bogdaproste! Caragiale, b: - invocation : alei! Praise the Lord ; chiraleisa! God have mercy ; o! Conclusions The semantic analysis of interjections emphasizes the fact that a great number of them, especially the so-called primary interjections are characterized by multifunctionality, their exact meaning being able to be delimited only in a given linguistic and extralinguistic context.

Intonation, punctuation in writing , facial expression as well as gestures may contribute to the delimitation of the exact meaning of an interjection. Sometimes, interjections are chosen for their polysemy, as they can express unclear and vague feelings - even for the speaker, thus having an indeterminate emotional value.

Some interjections can have a more precise value: servus! On the one hand, the same interjection can express different states, moods and attitudes polysemy , on the other hand the same state or mood can be expressed by different interjections synonymy , an aspect explained by C. Dominte through the syncretism of sensations cenesthesia and impressions synesthesia.

The most frequently used interjections are the primary ones, due to their polysemy. Caragiale, where the most frequently used interjections are ei! The rest of the interjections, 19, appear less frequently: ai! Interjections together with onomatopoeias are extensively used in literary works and folk poetry as vehicles for the literary expression of strong feelings, emotions, attitudes and acts of will.

References Caragiale, I. BPT, Editura Minerva, La Medeleni, vol. Adjectives can be obtained either by derivation, by compounding or by conversion. Each of these grammatical proceedings presents different ways of the adjective formation. There are given examples of the main adjectival prefixes and suffixes, but also of the most frequently used patterns of compounding an adjective. The conversion of the various parts of speech into adjectives implies different forms of the verb, different types of pronouns as well as of numerals.

Keywords: adjective, derivation, compounding, conversion. The generation of the s used a modern literary language. An important role in the language used by the writers of the forty-eighties plays Heliade Radulescu 's Grammar from which provided for the adoption of the phonetic principle in writing the Romanian language, simplifying the Cyrillic alphabet from 33 to 28 letters and then in , to 27 letters. The introduction of neologisms of Roman origin aiming to replace the Turkish and Greek words and also the enrichment of the linguistic thesaurus, not only by borrowings from abroad, but also by derivation, using more and more neologistic suffixes and prefixes, were important aspects of the language, too.

From their works, the renewal of the vocabulary, the grammatical rule or the stylistic figures passed into publishing and could take root in the masses. In addition to fixing the main phonetic rules and enriching the vocabulary, the writers of the s were also concerned with grammar, syntax and stylistic construction, aiming to both the folkloric model and to that of the French literature.

The French model is brought into the country by young people who were sent to study in France and who learnt French. Besides M. Alecsandri, I. Bolliac, N. Bolintineanu s poetry was a novelty for that era, impressing through a unique expressiveness, through the fluidity of lyrics and the rhetorical cadence, through the inner harmony and musicality.

The morphology of the language used during the 19 th century studies, in fact, the formation of modern literary Romanian language, but one must take into account the fact that at that time, there were morphological differences from one region to another, both in terms of the lexeme and of inflexion.

The morphological traits are not very numerous, but they have the role to set the main directions of development of the Romanian literary language. Starting from until , there were a number of linguistic changes which led to a process of improvement and enrichment of the Romanian literary language, transformations which involved the participation of the Romanian writers of that period. Along with the nouns and the verbs, the adjective is the part of speech which is the most commonly found in Dimitrie Bolintineanu s work.

The adjective, with its various types, is the primary determinant of the noun, it often being an essential element of the nominal group. In Dimitrie Bolintineanu s work, adjectives can be obtained either by derivation, by compounding or by conversion. Regarding the formation of the adjectival lexeme, there is to be noted the frequency of the phenomenon of derivation. In general, adjectives are formed with suffixes, but the derivation with prefixes doesn t miss either, although, because of the numerous adjectival suffixes, the derivation is more parasynthetic.

In recent studies, prefixes and suffixes have been considered to be derivative morphemes placed in front and at the end of the lexemes. Adjectival prefixes, which mainly occur in D. Most of the adjectival derivatives with the prefix in- got into the Romanian language from French and Italian, some of them from Latin through French, while others were directly inherited from Latin: incarnat I: 51 , indiscret V: , injuste V: , incomode V: Regarding the derivation with the prefix in- with a negative value, there is to be mentioned its connection with the suffix -bil: incapabil V: It is well known that in the Romanian language there is a series of adjectival suffixes, a series which is well represented in Bolintineanu's work, too.

It should be noted that the suffix -icesc appeared round the s as a result of the tendency of including the neological adjectives in a morphological series usual at Alongside the increasing influence of the Romance languages which involves borrowings that contained the suffix -esc, this one became the neological version of the suffix -icesc, which is more frequent in Bolintineanu s, too. The compounding of adjectives is based on different models.

Rarely, there appear formations of the type: voitor de bine I: There are also compound adjectives which are not based on an adjective, but on a noun. The phenomenon of conversion does not necessarily involve the change of the grammatical value of the adjective in other parts of speech, but, rather the reverse phenomenon, the transformation of verbs, pronouns, numerals, adverbs and nouns into adjectives, a type of conversion which implies the process of determining by agreement, excepting, of course, the adverb The most common type of conversion into adjective is the one of the verb which implies the transformation of three forms: past participle, present participle and Regarding the conversion of the pronoun into adjective, it is to be noted that only the determinative non-personal pronouns: the demonstrative, the interrogative, the relative, the indefinite, the negative and the personal determinative pronouns: the emphatic and the possessive can become adjectives.

However, most of them become adjectives. Mihai, Adjectival phrases along with the phraseologies represent another way of enriching the vocabulary present in D. Bolintineanu s work. In general, Dimitrie Bolintineanu s work has many of the defining features of the literary language of the nineteenth century, especially of the language used between , when there were largely put the bases of the literary Romanian language.

Referring to the adjectival formation by using different internal processes of enriching the vocabulary, one can notice that Dimitrie Bolintineanu is worth to be mentioned among the representative writers of the epoch because he followed, most of the time, the rules of the language in general, and he did not necessarily use a particular vocabulary or specific structures that could differentiate his work from the language that he himself used to speak. Dimitrie Bolintineanu is the poet who, according to Ion Pillat, although he has a poetic personality inferior to Eliade, Alexandrescu or Alecsandri, is perhaps more representative, because his lower personal factor does not oppose to the epoch and it easily filtered the literary trends of those times, rendering them unaltered.

Pillat, References Bolintineanu, D. Types of Formal Changes in Romanian Newspapers aims to draw attention to the animal idioms whose standard form has been changed in the contemporary Romanian journalistic text. The most common changes in the media idioms are immutatio substitution , adiectio addition , followed by detractio suppression and transmutatio permutation.

Formal changes usually lead to semantic modifications based on intertextuality. The present article will present the first two types of changes, namely immutation and adiectio. Keywords: animal idioms, adiectio, detraction, immutation. The article Animal idioms. Types of formal changes in Romanian Newspapers presents the dynamic form of animal idioms in the contemporary Romanian journalistic text.

The article will focus on the most common means of construction in the journalistic text such as immutatio and adiectio. Concepts The article will further introduce the main concepts such as: phraseology, phraseological unit, expression, phrase and animal idiom Phraseology The research object of phraseology is represented by the constant combination of words or by the stable syntactic groups Hristea The narrow definition comprises only the groups of words that almost have the functional value of the lexicon, for example the phrases and the phraseological expressions that highly belong to the organisation of vocabulary Groza 48 The phraseological unit The terms that are synonymous to phraseological unit are phraseological group, syntagmatic unit, stable phrase, phraseologism frazeologism : Especially in the recent decades, most researchers used to call them phraseological units or simply phraseologisms frazeologisme Hristea Phraseological units are stable combinations of two or more words with unitary meaning, already existing in language, and famous in use, felt as separate units that name a single object, only one process or phenomenon, one trait or action, etc.

Liviu Groza gives a broad definition for phraseological units as a complex linguistic sign, superordinate to words, likely to get one or more functional values in an utterance. The narrow definition refers to a complex linguistic sign, being descriptive or logically accepted as such by the use of language, also accepted as part of a sentence, and thus as belonging to a lexical-grammatical category, semantically encoded or not, being the object of the organization of vocabulary as a whole or as a part of it Groza As the clear delineation of the types of groups of words is sometimes difficult to make, Liviu Groza prefers the phraseological unit term and only in some cases those of co-location, terminological co-location, phraseological phrase, phraseological expression to indicate that a group of words has a certain value Groza : 49 Expressions and phrases Referring to expressions idioms , Theodor Hristea considers that expressivity is essential: the more expressive a group of words is so the more it carries a more emotional value , the more we are entitled to consider it an expression or an idiom.

However, when expressivity has completely disappeared to a high degree or completely and the phraseological group has become inflexible as well, then they are phrases Hristea, Unlike phrases, the terms of expressions can be developed, thus getting new lexical variants. The components can change their order or form, thus new variants and new paraphrases can occur.

Most phrases are monosemantic. The meaning of phrases is more frozen, often keeping archaic aspects. The term idiom, as it is already used in the English animal idiom term, will be used in this paper with the meaning of expression. In the journalistic text, animal idioms are expressive, they can be humorous and they can support an argument. Several terms have been used to define animal idioms, such as: expressions referring to animals expresii idiomatice referitoare la regnul animal , expressions based on animal names, animal phraseological expressions, phraseological zoonimes, zoomorphic metaphors, animal idioms.

Cristinel Munteanu prefers the term expressions referring to animals expresii idiomatice referitoare la regnul animal , together with phraseological bestiary, Nicolae Selage prefers phraseological zoonimes or zoomorphic metaphor, Andreea Varga and Astrid Groszler use expressions based on animals Varga, Grozler, The general English term is animal idioms like in animal proverbs and sayings Phraseological change dynamics The phraseological change, also named deconstructing stereotypes Zafiu, , phraseological deviation or phraseological derailment, especially in the case of substitution or substitution Stefanescu, , represents an intended phenomenon, with impact on the semantic, syntactic, phonetic and pragmatic levels: The level of haze freezing of the phraseological expression depends on the way in which its components can be substituted by synonyms or quasi-synonyms, turned into passive voice or dislocated [ In order to make a good interpretation, the receiver must know the initial scenario in memoriam the changed animal idiom in presentia refers to.

The degree of the message reconstruction depends on the party's ability to recover and reconstruct the animal idioms the context alludes to. By changing the standard form of a phraseological unit, "the speaker commits the speaker to refer to this through the spontaneous act of recognizing the initial model, but, at the same time, also to an extralinguistic situation the ad hoc version refers to better stylistically aspect expressively Groza, Changes refresh form.

Penal Types of formal change The main mechanisms of dismantling and restructuring animal expressions are substitution immutatio by exploiting synonymy and antonymy, polysemy, and addition or extension adiectio , suppression detractio , permutation transmutatio. In the case of animal idioms, substitution and expansion are the most often exploited and these two changing means will be further exemplified.

In the press, more changes can be combined at the same time, for example both substitution immutatio and inflexional modification, addition and inflexional modification, transmutatio and detractio, or both contamination and detractio.

Not all the animal idioms can be changed in the press. Animal idioms normally have a certain word order, a particular behaviour regarding number, case, articulation, some mood and tense selections. Romanica noastra, sa fie condusa de niste tineri specialisti, educati, cinstiti si inteligenti, care lupta pentru binele national.

Dar asa ceva nu se va putea intimpla acum, fiindca ar insemna sa zboare porcul, ceea ce n-ar fi prea indicat cind mai e putin pina la Ignat. ZI, The context keeps the meaning of impossibility is still kept and that that will not happen. Both the standard idiom and its changed form lead to irony and appeal to reader s sense of humour Substitution immutatio Substitution is a process which operates at paradigmatic level, consisting in "replacing an element, in a constant context or an item of content with another item of content [ ].

One element is replaced by another, without causing functional changes. A complex definition for substitution was given by Liviu Groza. It points out that the purpose of phraseological change is to refer appropriately to a new extralinguistic situation, to some aspects in reality to referential details : Substitution is the replacement of one or more terms of the phraseologic model with one word group of words perceived by speakers as having optimum possibilities to refer to a certain extralinguistic situation usually new or unusual.

In this sense, modifications can be recorded in the current newspapers Groza, , The animal term is usually replaced by another one which is either an animal or a non-animal term. As variety of formulas and implications, substitution and addition adiectio dominate quantitatively the other means of construction in the case of animal idioms. The aimed effects can be irony, self-irony, irony, mockery, trivializing, derision, bantering, euphemisation or simply hilarity.

Lexical substitution In the case of animal idioms, lexical substitution is the most common change. Lexical substitution is achieved by intentionally replacing one or more lexical elements in the original animal idiomatic expression, provided that it can be easily updated by the receiver based on intertextuality.

In the press, both the form of the expression adapts, integrates the text, it relies on intertextuality. Politistii de frontiera tulceni au depistat sambata, intre localitatile Dunavatu de Sus si Murighiol, camuflat intr-un canal de irigatii, un barbat care vana fara a poseda documentele prevazute de legislatia in vigoare. Un tanar risca 2 ani de inchisoare pentru trafic de stupefiante L, Prins cu arma-n sac! The structure of the expression integrates the name of the stolen object, referring to the proper meaning, not only to the figurative meaning.

When the stolen object is not abstract, the idiom is more likely to have proper meaning. Daniel Buzdugan, regele farselor, prins cu farsa-n sac Daniel Buzdugan, "regele farselor", este acuzat de furt de catre Mihai Dobrovolschi. Acesta sustine, cu probe, ca Buzdugan a realizat o farsa pentru Radio ZU care seamana izbitor cu un material inregistrat in , la Radio Guerrilla. ZI, Besides substitution, the statement can also be elyptical, shortened, especially in the title.

It modifies the standard form of the originary phraseological unit, placing it in a particular context. From Liviu Groza s point of view, by addition the journalist changes the initial model adiectio creating a variant of the elements that emphasize, stress a significant, There is a tendency to complete the expressions with new units that refer to a new aspect in the extralinguistic reality.

The intended introduction, addition adiectio of a new element that refers to a certain situation in the contemporary life more suggestively. The expansion or renewal of the phraseological unit involves emphasizing a semantic aspect and, eventually, its sui-generis remotivation. Groza, There are various types of addition, but, in the case of animal idioms, lexical addition prevails: New terms are added to the phraseological units, offering them new contextual meanings Zafiu, Copresedintele USL, Victor Ponta, il ironizeaza pe seful statului, Traian Basescu, si il caracterizeaza drept un caine surd, despre care nu isi da seama daca isi bate joc cu cinism de noi toti sau chiar da semne de senilitate politica EVZ,.

At formal level, three new terms have been added inside the animal idiom and the tense called viitorul popular was replaced by the simple future. AC, Conclusions The current dynamic of phraseological units, illustrated by the above mentioned tendencies is determined by the ratio between the prototype model and the changed expression. The authors have been trying to tint and colour their speech. In order to get the effect, the change of the animal idiom requires reader s thinking and attention and they strengthen the expressive value of the text.

Modified animal idioms can sum up the attitude of the journalist towards a reality interpreted as positive or negative Drew The most common forms of change in the idioms in the newspapers are substitution and addition adiectio , followed by detractio, then transmutatio transmutatio. Formal changes usually lead to semantic changes based on intertextuality. Although the changes brought to animal idioms are ephemeral and they cannot be recorded in dictionaries, they still represent real facts of language.

Penal RV,. ZI, 4. EVZ, 5. EVZ, 8. A fost prins cu mata-n sac sau altfel spus, cu pasarile-n saci EVZ, 9. Prins cu marihuana in sac! Un tanar risca 2 ani de inchisoare pentru trafic de stupefiante L, Prins cu arma-n sac! Prins cu prada-n sac A,. ZI, The adverb is characterized by well defined lexical meaning, fact that stresses its importance and distinction in the whole of inflexible parts of speech.

Starting from this status, the adverb is defined by many morphological, lexicalgrammatical features, by orthographic aspects with a semantic and grammar approach, unanalyzable structures, exceptions and specific stylistic and by the category of comparison analytically or periphrastically distinct analogies and aspects reported to adjective - flexible part of speech.

The paper also insists on the current tendencies of wrong use of certain adverbs, solved by correct situation contexts. Finally, there are shown several stylistic values displayed by some Romanian adverbs. Keywords: morphological features, orthographic aspects, stylistics.

Status of the adverb within morphology Yet from the times of Latin bookmen, the adverb has not constituted a distinct class. The Danish linguist Otto Jespersen considered it as taking part to a heterogeneous class, classifying it both in the category of the parts of speech and in the category of particles. Situated in the context of the ten parts of speech flexible and inflexible that constitute the main object of study of morphology, the adverb is remarkable by distinct features that provide it a special place.

Its special status is supported by the following features: from the morphological point of view, the adverb is invariable, which allows its falling within the category of un-flexible parts of speech, together with preposition, conjunction and interjection; it is an extremely numerous and un-homogenous a lexical - grammar class. This dominant feature eliminates the possibility of expressing a unitary definition for the whole inventory of adverbs and of a general overview lacking disputes or mudguards; the adverb has generally, a non-analyzable structure.

Rarely, when it is analyzable, may be recognized in the structure of adverb a lexical suffix or a deictic particle, but never morphemes suffix or terminations ; despite the other parts of speech, the adverb knows the category of comparison periphrastic or analytically , fact that get it closer to the adjective. The comparison degrees are not enough to include the adverb in the category of flexible parts of speech, because the adverb does not change its form depending on this grammar category.

It is required the specification that not all the adverbs have comparison degrees; University of Pitesti, Ortographic aspects The adverb, as un-flexible part of speech, does not raise special problems from the orthography point of view. The adverbs and adverb phrases that have in their structure several parts of speech are written: in one word, separately or with hyphen. There are spelled in one word the adverbs of which component items, due to the high welding degree, don't keep any more their semantic individuality, behaving as a single word.

Exception is the adverbial phrase all of a sudden, made of the numeral all, opposed to two times. There are written with hyphen the adverbs and adverbial phrases made of several words un-bound one to each other: a. The writing with hyphen both marks the intermediary welding degree of certain compound adverbs: last night, last evening,, and phonetic phenomena elision and contraction : indeed, from there. By hyphen, too, it is expressed the bind spelling of words in a more or less fast tempo: enough, closely, from now on, although, usually, they are separately written see point 3.

There are separately written the adverbial phrases and the compound adverbs of which component elements keep their lexical and grammar independence: of therefore, closely, also, usually, especially, last evening, beforehand; -ly definitively, truly, outside, finally; at handy, minimum, aside; on next, on the one hand, by heart; by unduly, impulsively, meantime.

Likewise, there are written the adverbial phrases made by a compound preposition of: head over heels, altogether, riding, across, downright, along, ready, de-a poarca, touchwood, de-a puia-gaia, always, in - out, head over heels, for nothing, caper. The correct form of time adverbs resulted by conversion from the feminine substantives with definite article for singular is: Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Friday; exception makes Thursday. It is correct: as far as I know, as I found out. Semantic and grammatical aspects 1.

Approached semantically, the following adverbs have a special status: a. I don't have but two books. He is not too used to difficulties. From the grammatical point of view, there are several adverbs that present a special status, depending on the context: a. His friend also entered. Repeated, the semi-adverbs too, nor occur with a role of coordinator conjunctions: I received both a doll and a snow flake bouquet.

At the level of a sentence, in a correlative context, either - or is no longer a relative adverb, it becomes a time adverb: He writes either with the stylo, or with the ballpoint. He expressed himself this way. I am abashed by such circumstances. Grammatical homonymy of adverbs is illustrated by the following lexical units shown by adequate contexts: - closely place adverb - He walks closely.

I give you a cup of coffee before, then we will walk. Use tendencies of adverbs In the contemporary Romanian language, there are registered wrong tendencies in the use of certain adverbs or adverbial phrases. Adjective composition of adverb in different contexts a. These constructions always have in their structure a probability adverb: difficult, hard, easy, possible, impossible, and complicated.

Correct: deeply human feelings, good pay persons, ultra-rich families. This tendency is the consequence of a hyper-correctness phenomenon the speaker adjusts the adverb with the substantive as if it is an adjective. Confusion between the adverb as and the pronoun much: I invited as more specialists. Correct: I invited much more specialists. Redundant, un-justified use of certain adverbs: She says nothing if only you ask her.

Correct: She doesn't say but if you ask her. The omission of the repetition of adverbs more and very in front of each element of a listing: He is more careful and concerned in this project. She was very assiduous and talented. Correct: He is more careful and more concerned in this project. She was very perseverant and very talented.

By analogy to that, formant of the relative superlative of adjective, it is mistakenly adjusted the article that of the structure of relative superlative of adverb: He is one of those best paid. Correct: He is one of the best paid. Changes in the topics of certain semi-adverbs a. Correct - He would probably try. Scarcely is it heard. Correct He introduced her almost all the guests.

I cooperate only with two persons. Correct I only cooperate with two persons. I finished of about a week ago. Correct I finished about a week ago. Confusions in the use of adverbs In the dialect expression, the adverbs only and just are used in the contexts where their presence does not correspond to the expressed grammatical norms: - in Ardeal, only is used in negative contexts old forms ; - in Muntenia, just sis mistakenly extended in positive structures; - in a careful expression, only is frequently used instead of the adverb just; - the nite adverb ever, in a construction with a verb at the negative form, is used instead of the negative adverb never, in a less careful expression; - it is also registered the occurrence, in some contexts, of pleonastic binds: concluding, therefore, consequently, so.

Use of adverbs with a changed semantic status - the adverb so loses its conclusive meaning by the incorrect use, becoming an expletive particle. Incorrect writing of certain compound adverbs with prepositions welded to the following term: correct: hardly, therefore, often, the day before yesterday, once, above, before, strictly, anyway, somewhere, and sometime.

Stylistic values of adverbs 1. A special expressiveness is owned by the derived adverbs with diminutive suffixes: quite well, quite easy, quite far, a bit, absolute superlatives morphological synonyms with very. The absolute superlative made of the affective synonyms of morpheme very - great, terrible, extremely, extraordinary is more expressive than the form imposed by norm: great, terribly fast, extremely bad, formidably close. The interrogative adverbs contribute to the issuance of interrogations and of eloquential invocations: How could you say such things?

The correlative adverbs retake the idea expressed in the subordinated sentence, draw the attention on it, shorten the expression and remove the repetitions: When you are always learning, then you have results. The predicative adverbs mostly express the subjective attitude of the speakers: I am certainly waiting for you gladly. In a conversational language, the adverbs are used for the issuance of elliptic sentences: Do we have more to walk?

A little. The modal adverbs resulted by substantives, adjectives or participle verbs, used alone or in relation with other words may be: epithets, comparisons, hyperboles, metaphors. Some adverbs may enter in interrogative sentences, in classifications, in repetitions and in rhetorical invocations.

Conclusions The evolution of adverbial system in Romanian language must be approached from the perspective of the following aspects: inventory of adverbs demonstrate that the properly direct loans occupy - even in the current language - a modest place, both quantitatively and as frequency. Ciompec, A specific feature of adverb in Romanian language aims the enrichment way of lexicon, issued by composition for the old language and by the conversion of adjectives for the contemporary stage of Romanian language ; consolidation of innovations at the level of contemporary Romanian language was made under the indisputable influence of French language and of other modern languages.

The Romanic neologisms certify the integrity of development of Romanian adverb in this tendency of Romanic westernization. The stylistic expression potential of adverbs is based upon the lexical, morphological and syntactic resources, specific to this inventory of words. Concluding the above mentioned tendencies confer the current adverbial system the character of modernity and configure [ This aspect indicates an official nature of the chronicles.

Moreover, a number of details present in the chronicle regarding trivial facts from the court or military events, show that the writer witnessed the events at court and war, with numerous examples from the weekday time mentioning, to the number and size of the cannons to be found on the battlefield. History was for the writer a different dimension of the life driven by the true faith and an attempt to better understand the divine will and to follow closely His ways.

In this regard, many stereotype formulae are telling that all events are foreordained only by the will of God. Keywords: chronicle; model; translations. The Byzantine Lesson Intermediaries played an important part in spreading the Byzantine civilization in Eastern Europe. Their role became obvious in every cultural sphere, but their greatest contribution was in the literary field.

The Greek influence which was in continual movement found its way towards the people in Eastern Europe under the cover represented by the Old Church Slavonic. The starting point of this tradition can be found in the translations made by Constantine-Cyril and his collaborators. Its role as a cultural intermediary was assured by its peculiar relationship with medieval Greek on the one hand, and with the spoken language of the Slav peoples, on the other.

It also owed much of its success to the skill of the early translators who developed it into a refined and supple instrument. Obolensky, D. One instance is that of the neologisms that were introduced from Greek in order to express new notions for the Slavs. The translated writings had mostly an ecclesiastic character. Beside this aspect, if one adds the fact that the spread of Old Church Slavonic through translations, which resulted in a decrease in the number of people willing to learn Greek challenged the hegemony of Greek, then the result is a restriction of the access to the classical helenic literature.

This was undoubtedly a loss, and it must be recognized that Old Church Slavonic was responsible for restricting the range of Greek culture accessible to the Slavs. On the other hand, by providing them with a literary medium which was close to their spoken vernacular, it greatly increased the number of educated persons in Eastern Europe, capable of acquiring this culture albeit partially or indirectly.

A fundamental aspect of these relations is constituted by the appearance and the development of the old Romanian historiography following the contact with the Byzantine and Slavic historical writing. The Byzantine chronicles in Slavonic translation were widely spread in Romanian circles, together with almost every one of the original writings belonging to the Bulgarians and the Serbs hagiographies, genealogies, chronicles. An extremely important aspect refers to the image associated with the Old Church Slavonic.

It was considered a sacred idiom, a bridge between God and the human being and the only adequate means of expression for elite literature, inaccesible to the masses. The Old Church Slavonic was used in Moravia, Bohemia, Croatia, Bulgaria and Russia, and the translation of writings from Greek to Slavonic represented an important part in the process of the dissemination of the Byzantine culture.

The translation work, achieved by Cyril and Methodius for their mission in Moravia subsequently continued by their disciples in Bulgaria gave the Slavic Churches the whole corpus of Greek liturgical texts. In addition to the Bible, the liturgical books and patristic texts, The Lives of the Saints were quick to be assimilated.

These Vitae, which either circulated singly or were collected in menologia by months of the ecclesiastical year, extolled the virtues of Christian heroism, and often satisfied the craving of the medieval man for the wonderful and the miraculous. Thus Byzantine hagiography became a common source of inspiration for the peoples in Eastern Europe.

The lay writings were selected as well for their literary value. C as a personal experience , the Romance of Alexander by pseudo-callisthenes which is about Alexander the Great , The Physiologus a book of Christian animal symbols, initially published in Alexandria, Egypt in the 2nd century A. Among the lay works that exerted an important influence were the Byzantine chronicles, which can be divided in two groups: on the one hand those works that related events and attempted to imitate the style of the classical Greek historians Herodotus or Thucidides , characterized by objectivity and causal explanations of events, and on the other hand chronicles and popular works which related more to Christianity than history.

The latter were usually written by monks or priests, in a simpler and more accesible language for the less educated, and they were not interesed in causal exlanations, but in their succession, a testimony to the fact that the Byzantines, the people of the New Covenant, were those that had preserved the Orthodox faith.

These ideas, which are expressed more forcibly and vividly in the chronicles than in the histories, could be put to practical use both by the Byzantine missionaries, and by those recently baptized Slavs who sought to understand the significance of what had happened to themselves and their countries. This conception of history had the added advantage of being incomplete: the Kingdom of Heaven and its earthly counterpart, the Christian Commonwealth, were ever capable of expansion; and the story left unfinished in the Byzantine chronicles could now be taken up and carried on by the Slavs, which, as we shall see, they were not slow to do.

In the earlier period with which we are at present concerned, the translated works, by a process of adaptation, were apt to acquire fresh features and to develop local variants. This suggests an analogy between literary translation and the botanical process of transplantation, in the light of which it may be said that the writings so transplanted from Byzantium to Eastern Europe brought forth creative offshoots which continued to live and grow in their new soil.

Transplantation was thus accompanied by changes in the borrowed product, and this process was indeed possible only because the society and the culture of the receiving country were at that time in a state of rapid change. In this process the translated works not only acquired new traits, but also stimulated, by a kind of cultural osmosis, the growth of original literature in different parts of the Slavonic world.

The works of Menander who imposed the new comedy based on the investigation of private life , Theophylactus Simocatta who produced a history of the reign of Emporor Mauricius in 8 volumes , Leon the Deacon he wrote a volume history, where he presents the events from to which he had witnessed , Mihail Psellos the author of a philosophical synthesis, defining phisosophy as the search for truth , Anna Comnena the author of Alexiades did not raise any interest.

Of particular interest were the universal chronicles, those writings which narrated history from its beginnings Genesis until the moment of writing. The Bulgarians showed interest in these texts not because of their language and hermeneutical issues, but because of the special character, often quite specialized, of the elevated history books and the excess of details they offered among the 37 books of the Roman History belonging to Nicephoros Grogoras, the events from to occupy only seventeen books, while the rest is made up from what happened in the period , the time of the great polihistor , which did not interest anybody who would contemplate the Byzantine past from the outside.

Mazilu, D. The Bulgarian scholars oriented themselves towards the patristic age, a much older period, ignoring the works of the contemporary Byzantine writers. On the other hand, the preference for texts from John Chrysostom, Gregory Nyssis or Basil the Great, leading representatives of old Byzantine literature meant a considerable effort, as their texts were neither easy to comprehend, nor easy to translate.

In addition to these texts translated into Slavic, the scholars attempted to enlarge their fields of interest, dwelling also on lay texts, on apocriphal literature. We should also mention historiographic contributions such as the chronographs of Zonaras, Malalas or Manasses. The chronicles of Ioannes Malalas 6th century , Gheorghios Synkellos th centuries were translated, these being unknown in the Romanian book archives, as well as the Universal Chronicle of Symeon the Magister and the Logothete also called Metaphrastes, written in the second half of the 10th century.

The chronicle of Malalas goes from Genesis to the last years of Justinian s reign, providing the Slavs with the opportunity to acquaint themselves with ancient history as well as the Greek mythology. The Chronicles of Gheorghe the Monk also known as Hamartolos, the sinner from the 9th century used to be very popular, being translated twice, first in the 11th century and the second time in the 14th century in Bulgaria.

The latter, Born at the beginning of the 12th century, living for a long time around the Imperial court, became a bishop of Naupaktos in the last years of his life. His versified chronicle was translated into Latin by J. A copy of this translation was also made in Moldavia, probably in the 16th century and included in a codex that comprised the The Chronicle since Moldavia Began, with God s Will, the chronicle of Stephen the Great and Bogdan the 3rd.

This is the first Moldavian chronicle. This literature translated south of Danube was spread north in our lands, becoming an important source of information. Byzatium after Byzantium - this is the defintion given by Nicolae Iorga in a concise syntagm, which attempts to give a lapidary assessment of the old Romanian culture or, at least, a significant part of it.

Such examples are the Lives of Serbian Kings and Archbishops, written by Archbishop Danilo the 2nd , the Serbian Chronicles which narrate the Serbian history from to and a Chronicle that narrates historical events up to which purpots to be the first attempt at rallying the Romanian and the Balcanic history. Other manuscripts copied and illuminated here are kept at the Romanian Academy Library or in other libraries and museums here and abroad.

The school founded at Dragomirna by its The Romanian Academy Library keeps two copies of the Apostle; an Apostle is kept at the State Library in Vienna, written on parchment and illuminated by the Metropolitan himself in ; at the State Museum in Moscow there are five items, among which an illuminated Psalm book, at the Saltikov-Scedrin Library in St. The 15th century marks the emergence and the development of indigenous historiography for the history of Romanian culture.

If the Southern Slavs translated chronicles rather than Byzantine histories, the translations that reached the Romanian space were multiplied and they represented the patrimony of a library. In their writings the chroniclers aimed to write down the main events of the past and contemporaneity, underlying the political events which were related to the situation of the prince and the boyars, the relationships among them in their exercise of state power and the raports with the Church.

The particular historical circumstances, the fight for independence and territorial integrity had to be mentioned, always in comparison with the political situation of the neighbouring states. In this context a new idea appears, that of ethnic and linguistic unity. The fight for independence was an extremely important objective, which could be achieved only on the basis of princely autocracy, that is of a form of government in which the whole power was concentrated in the hands of one person, who was outside the rule of law.

Princely autocracy meant that the prince was the sole ruler of the centralized state and the boyars were subordinated to him, and also that the prince was the divine representative on earth. The chroniclers of the 15th century and their followers in the ensuing centuries outline a definite role for Moldavia. A political orientation is strongly felt, the chroniclers having the task of sometimes over-evaluating the significance of this principality for the policy of neighbouring states.

One could not but appreciate this attempt to emphasize the role of Moldavia as well as that of the Romanian principalities in the general organization of Christianity and in preparing the resistance against the Ottoman Empire. This organization was supposed to contribute to enhancing the presence of the Romanian principalities on the political map of Europe, which, together with the great powers, offered to participate in any armed conflict which would have threatened Christianity.

Achieving independence becomes a vital issue for the chroniclers, and their political thinking found expression in their engagement with history. The cult of history was turned into a special cultural value which conferred increased power to the writing in the service of the prince.

The historical literature in the medieval period takes the shape of chronicles, and authors remain loyal to the Byzantine medieval historiography. The chroniclers present important personalities and their illustrious achievements, which they sketch against a well justified and argued background.

In this case, the chronicler is not content with just enumerating or emphasizing the features of such a personality, but he also highlights the events that justified the emergence of such a ruler, who in other circumstances would not have given the full measure of his worth. And then a whole The battles against the invaders, the often complicated relations between the prince and the boyars, plots, personal interests which affect linear government or intrigues at the princely court are enumerated.

The origin of the divine right of the prince is unanimously accepted by chroniclers who are thus the partisans of the concept of divine determinism but also share the belief in the common origin of the Romanian people, each of these statements being decisively sustained with historical or linguistic arguments.

Subsequently the title was changed to the Anonymous Chronicle the change was made by P. Panaitescu in the edition of the Slavonic-Romanian Chronicles in the 15thth centuries, published by I. Bogdan in and included in the treaty The History of Romanian Literature in Others have taken the name after P. The Dinasty in the Period of Stephen the Great and the Extollment of Merits in the Chronicles Everyone must submit himself to the governing authorities, for there is no authority except that which God has established.

The authorities that exist have been established by God. Consequently, he who rebels against the authority is rebelling against what God has instituted, and those who do so will bring judgement on themselves. Saint Paul s Epistle to the Romans, The dinastic ideea, as a family whose members succeed to the throne as princes, kings or emperors was closely associated with faith during Stephen the Great s period.

Royal blood was the male descendancy even illegitimate offspring. In older times this had nothing to do with faith. The 15th century is a century in which dinasty becomes a reality- in the following century the situation changes as the boyars begin to aim for higher positions and attempting to place their representatives on the throne. The best way to preserve the image of a dinasty was through Stephen s particular interest for the restoration of his ancestors graves.

The politics of Stephen overcome the country borders, as he was an European prince, with good knowledge of the world and a good understanding of foreign politics. The results of Stephen s diplomacy are outstanding: from to he fights the Wallachians and is at peace with the Turks, Hungarians and Poles; in he fights the Hungarians, while the Poles come to his help at Buda; from to he fights the Turks, while the Poles and the Hungarians send him help; from to he fights In addition to a real knowledge of the external political situation, Stephen possesses a remarkable ability to take advantage of the circumstances, of the rivalries or the envy of his neighbours, proving himself to be a political genius.

Only this can explain how the ruler of such a small country could defeat the Wallachians, the Poles, the Hungarians, the Tatars or the Turks. Stephen s literary talent is witnessed by the wealth of military detail which he employs in the description of the Vaslui battle, in the letter to the Christian princes, on the 25th of January The struggle against the enemies of Christendom, as it is mentioned at the end of the letter is a leitmotif which will occur again and again, in various syntagms in Stephen s correspondence and his envoys: the foes of Christendom His style is unique, difficult to imitate, and the rotives in the church porches stand testimony to the fact that the prince considered his military feats exemplary and worthy to be known by his descendents.

These are the impressive deeds of a prince who still believed in Respublica Christiana, although he had had the repeated unpleasant experience of waiting for the promised help that never came. Yet the purpose of this Respublica Christiana was the mutual help in the defense of Christianity.

The chronicles written at the court of Stephen represent a different type of writing, a particular and sober manner of extolling Stephen s merits. Conclusions Moldavia s cultural achievements during the reign of Stephen the Great, the church paintings with valuable local elements, the stone sculptures, the fine embroidery, the crafty metalwork, the church music, the beautiful books and illuminations written in the monasteries at his wish are the expression of the divine protection he felt on himself and his country.

The attachment of Stephen the Great s towards the Church can be deduced from these chronicles of the age, especially from the supposed Bistrita chronicles, where it is shown that after each war, the prince ordered his metropolitans and bishops and all the priests to thank God.

We also have to bear in mind the fact that under Stephen s reign the written Moldavian culture becomes more extensive, not only by the increased reproduction of old manuscript prototypes, but also by the diversifying of the fields approached in their contents. The chronicles write down important historical moments of the age: the consolidation of centralized power and the struggle of the Moldavian prince against the Turks, to liberate the country and defend the faith. The chronicle shows that Stephen the Prince is the elected by God, strong, brave and pious.

For the anonymous chronicler all Christian countries form one unit: the Christianity. And what is of major interest is that this Slavonic chronicles, mirroring the opinion of the age calls Prince Stephen a holy victor in the name of faith, as it was the formula for the great defenders of the faith. And then, the literary discourse of the author had to become subordinated to this ritual, because that way the human role models needed by medieval texts were generated.

The will to subordinate literary discourse to etiquette, to the reconstruction based on cannonical principles, by endlessly remaking the cannon could also explain the translation- so frequent in old literature- of some sequences descriptions, discourses, endings from one text to the other. Of course that by practising this unevolved intertextuality The real and the necessary are mixed and confused. II, nr. Documente, VIII, nr.

This is a synthetic presentation in order to identify the main issues of this subject by approaching novels and theater from Romanian Literature. Keywords: imaginary, medical, literature. Cartwright et M. C est comme la grippe. Il y a des maladies qui sont saines. Eh bien tant pis! Ma carabine, ma carabine!

Je suis le dernier homme, je le resterai jusqu au bout! Je ne capitule pas! Le C est une forme d existence cette incertitude, au moins en ce qui me concerne. D autres merveilles il n y a plus Simion, : Procesul fiziologic e paradoxal, chiar contradictoriu. C est pourquoi, il voulait savoir ce que les apocrifes de Vieux Testament disent sur l origine et la signification des maladies. La maladie devient le substitut de la mort, le personnage devenant malade de mort.

Ou est le mal, ou se cache-t-il dans le corps, comment pourrais-je m ouvrir et le jeter dehors? Aurel, Folclorul medical comparat. That is the telling question of his life Carl Gustav Jung , the present article tries to decipher the symbols, the parables and the fantastic nuances in the short story Youth without Youth by Mircea Eliade.

Keywords: unconscious, regeneration, spiritual dimension. On the Easter night, Dominic arrives to Bucharest with the intent to commit suicide. However, something happens and he can no longer go on with his plan. Somewhere, close to Metropolitan Church, under the threat of a strong storm and waiting at a traffic light, he is struck by a lightning. The short story begins with the shocking moment which triggers a radical change in Dominic s state of mind.

We can thus understand the lightning given certain features similar with those of a trauma: violent shock and its consequences on the entire body. The lightning moment is experienced by Dominic somehow similarly with the birth trauma. He is taken to the hospital and we begin to understand the consequences of it. Dominic becomes a human being who totally depends on the others, he is like a baby in a state of disorder.

He is helpless, cannot move or react, being able to hear only. At the same time, dreams alternate with the conscious state of mind. The trauma and his condition after the lightning bring back to him memories of a certain period in his youth, dialogues between him and Laura.

Prints are not minor works of art, but, on the contrary, they are among the most important tools of modern life and thought Ivins , passim. From the beginning of the woodcut and later of the copper plate engraving, at the end of the 15 th It was, from its beginning, the cardinal popular art, reaching all the population strata Huizinga , Prints soon became means of conveying information on historical events, portraits of famous figures, the discoveries of new territories, of scientific research and so on.

Many prints illustrate habits and manners, encouraging virtue and mocking vice. Multiplication made it possible to reach virtually almost anyone, accessibility being facilitated by their price, which was ten times lower than that of a painting, as well as by their smaller sizes. At the same time, prints were important for exchange and dissemination Adrian , 21 of art works between different cultures.

They played the same role as art books do today, which help us know the history and art of different cultures or civilizations. Images of nowadays Romanian towns have been made on a wide range of supports canvas and mural paintings, coins and medals, shrines and other religious objects, scenic backgrounds, documents and other guild objects, playing cards and even on tableware , but the vast majority of them were printed images.

They were marked by the spirit of the time they belonged to, by the artistic styles and by the purposes they served. The historic images 1 of the towns from present day Romania belong to two different worlds, the Occidental and the Oriental European one.

Their contemporaries, according to the cardinal point the beholder belonged to, have perceived these worlds differently. This paper intends to study the role of the printed images of towns as a medium for transmitting historical information through images. One of the most powerful was a stereotype that was formed due to the effort of coping with the conditions of a foreign country, namely the crescent, represented for three centuries from the beginning of the 16 th century until the end of the 18 th century on rooftops in towns belonging to the three 1 My understanding of historic images of towns comprises the following: documentary graphic or the visual historic sources that depict partial or overall images of towns, including drawings, mono- or polychrome engravings no matter of support , water-colours, different genres of painting.

The notion covers the time period between the late 15 th century and the generalization of photography after the mid 19 th century. The towns represented in the images we are interested in have developed differently from the economic, social and cultural point of view as a result of the political evolution of Moldavia, Wallachia and Transylvania. The Moldavian and Wallachian towns developed in a foremost Oriental world at the Balkans border, themselves considered a bridge between West and East, between Europe and Asia Todorova , 16 , while the Transylvanian ones were established and had an evolution in accordance with Western principles.

This is the fundamental peculiarity of the towns from present day Romania. The conquest of Constantinople by Mehmed II, in , changed the fate of Europe, and perhaps of the entire world. In the second part of the 15 th century, Wallachia and Moldavia tried to combine resistance to the policy of appeasement, rebellions alternating with obedience. The 16 th century evolved into increased influence of Ottoman domination and suzerainty in the region.

After Central Hungary became an Ottoman province, Transylvania obtained the status of an autonomous principality under the Porte s suzerainty, as a result of political battles between the Ottoman and Habsburg Empire. Its role in Central and Eastern Europe s policies increased considerably. Breaking the ties with Hungary, Transylvania approached Wallachia and Moldavia, both under Ottoman suzerainty, developing close political, social and cultural relations, until the end of the 17 th century.

The period was characterized by many wars between two great powers, the Habsburgs and the Ottomans, during which the winners changed several times, and the Romanian Principalities were caught in the middle. Along with the European political transformations that followed the siege of Vienna in , Transylvania came under the rule of the Habsburg Empire later the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

From the beginning of the 18 th century, the Transylvania evolved very differently from Moldavia and Wallachia. Many similarities had been also observed earlier, but from this point on differences had appeared in terms of cultural and social life, being visible even in the representations of towns dating back to the 18 th and 19 th century. The latter were represented in very different type of works.

While in Transylvania hadn t occurred any political changes nor dramatic events generating serial urban representations, in the second half of the 18 th century, the series of town views was continued for the provinces located to the south and east of the Carpathians where the Phanariotes have ruled in Wallachia from to , in Moldavia from to The history of urban life, as well as the political and cultural history of the Romanian provinces, took place between West and East, between Vienna and Constantinople, at the interference of the Habsburg Empire with the Ottoman Empire.

To master these territories was a constant concern 2 Two examples in this respect. Anno , the plate between pages and Anno of the foreign policy of the two empires, which were in constant rivalry, thus influencing all aspects of life in these areas. During the entire period I have discussed about, Europe s policy was marked by the struggle for supremacy between the Ottoman and the Habsburg Empire. The representations concerning these spaces were influenced by the events, but also contributed to their occurrence.

Maps and images, descriptions and histories, helped Europeans to imagine the Ottoman world and vice versa Manners , For example, two images by anonymous artists, which can be dated by the year they were published: the first one in Burckhard von Birckenstein s work Fig. In fact they only provide data on certain events, often real, but which have not happened necessarily in that background, but elsewhere. Using words on prints is one way to boost the power of image communication.

An argument could be Gabriel Bodenehr s image Fig. We must not forget that during the 16 th 18 th centuries it was a habit to take over already existent images, most often without specifying this. Sometimes small changes were done, sometimes not, but these were published in popular and scientific works, often depicting something different from the original images.

In the case of the Gabriel Bodenehr s engravings, they were not only replicated in several publications, but inspired by some older engravings, or taken over by other artists. Although the legend says that the Ottoman occupation has ended, and the town was under Austrian administration, the image retains the Islamic element the crescent atop of two towers, one of them resembling a minaret.

Of the same type are many other representations of nowadays Romanian towns. La Ville. Le Cateau. Le Fauxbourg. Riviere de Temes. Belagert und d. However, other towns, that were only under Ottoman suzerainty, were also depicted with crescent on top of buildings. From the 16 th to the 18 th century, most graphic representations of towns from nowadays Romania were made by Western European travellers or by artists commissioned by these travellers.

It is true, non-muslim countries who had accepted to pay tribute to the Ottoman sultan were considered part of the Islamic world Faroqhi a, 2 , but practicing or converting to the Islam was never mandatory. In fact, Ottoman Sultans were quite tolerant with the Christian religion from the region that is now part of Romania. Although at first glance it may seem so, for an Christian Westerner artist from those centuries and as well for his publisher the crescent was not of religious, but political significance.

Furthermore, these images were destined to those left at home, who had not seen and would probably never see these places. They could however recognise in them what they expected of a town. And with the help of the crescent they were educated to see a town from what was considered to be Ottoman World. It was a way of transmitting geographical, historical, political and cultural information trough a symbol.

In: Cabinetul de Stampe 12, Bucharest Balzer A. Prag Wien Bizozeri Simpliciano, Notizia particolare della stato passato, e presente de regni d Vngheria, Croazia, e principato di Transilvania, Bologna Bodenehr Gabriel, Geographische Vorstellung der so genandten kleinen Tartarey Burke Peter, Eyewitnessing.

In: Cabinetul de Stampe 3, Bucharest In: Cabinetul de Stampe 8, Bucharest Prag u. Description exacte des royaumes de Hongrie et Dalmatie. Anvers In: Library of Ottoman Studies 7, London Acta Musei, X. An Introduction to the Sources, Cambridge, VIII , Bologna Freedberg David, The Power of Images. Radian, Bucharest Ivins Ivins Jr. William M. Sopranos, Chicago Zusammen Getragen von Johann Conr. Auf Unkosten Lorentz Kroniger u. Augspurg Caroneli et Autres Par le Sr.

Sanson Geographe du Roy. Kartenabteilung Bucharest Katjerinen Temeswar, by Gaspar Bouttats 2. Temeswar, by Anonimus 3. Temeswar, by Anonimus 4. Temeswar, by Guillaime Sanson Temeswar, by Gabriel Bodenehr 6. Waradiin, by Gaspar Bouttats 7. Varadin au le grand Varadin, by Guillaime Sanson 8. The 17 th century painting follows the composition of the Antwerp altarpiece by Rubens, which established an idea that has been prevalent since the 19 th century, according to which the painting was the outright creation of Peter Paul Rubens.

The study summarizes the circumstances of the painting s arrival in Gherla, the legends surrounding it, and the present standpoint of its art historical research. This is followed by the painting s analysis, which was often overlooked during the controversies. The selection clearly reflects the Armenians attitude towards the altarpiece, located in the church s only chapel, which they have treated almost as a religious relic since the mid th century, moreover, they endowed it with relic-like functions.

While the veneration and trust in the power of the devotional painting Our Lady of the Rosary standing in the church has long since died out from memory, the distinguished situation of the Rubens painting still survives. Since then certain anecdotes, among them the present one, have been published several times. The former Rosary Chapel is referred to even today as the Rubens Chapel. What is the origin of the distinguished position and relic-like function of this painting?

Prior to the 19 th century, legends about the origins and misfortunes of certain artworks were always bound to devotional paintings or statues. As early as the mid th century, several legends were circulating about the Rubens painting and its arrival to Gherla, which, by the reasoning of the period, were often assigned to the category of anecdotes, thus it may be that most of its versions have survived in volumes of anecdote and story collections.

By contrast, at the turn of the 19 th century, these same stories were also included in volumes, which were based on archival data and at the time were considered to be serious historical works, i. The trust that is invested even today in these authors led to the situation that the Armenian communities consider the legends noted down by them to be undoubtedly true.

But let us first examine the legends extant in their various versions 2. All of these agree that the painting arrived in the church in Gherla by the generosity of Emperor Francis I , namely in return for the donations sent to him by the Armenians. The circumstances are described as follows: the many wars had engulfed the exchequer, thus the Armenian delegation of Gherla had arrived just in time, offering of their own accord!

As he was very grateful for the large amount of gold, he allowed the Armenians to choose a painting for themselves from his famous art gallery, the Belvedere. In other versions, it was not a painting that he promised, but the delegation could ask for anything in the capital that won its approval.

From here on the legends get even more complicated, as both the emperor and the director of the Belvedere were fond of the masterpiece selected by the Armenians. A king cannot break his promise, thus the Gherla delegation returned home with Rubens masterpiece. However, the people of Gherla persisted in their choice, and they declared that it will not be returned.

Another, still existing version, perpetuated by oral tradition among the Armenians in Gherla, further embellishes the story. According to it, the emperor and the director were so fond of the original Rubens work that they wanted to content the Gherla delegates with an impeccable copy. However, the ingenious Armenians could not be fooled, as while choosing it, they marked the corner of the painting with their fingernails, and thanks to this they realized that the offered painting was not the original Rubens work.

Several conclusions may be drawn from the presented legends. On the one hand, by describing the reluctance of the king and the director, they highlight the painting s magnificence and uniqueness. The work s value will obviously increase by the fact that the monarch also considers it to be a precious treasure and parts On the other hand, these descriptions also illustrate several elements of the Armenians identity construction at turn of the 19 th century.

Such is the allegiance to the monarch, and the fact that they voluntarily offer a portion of their assets to the state, thus they are useful and loyal citizens of the motherland. In addition, by selecting this exact painting, the connoisseurship, fine taste, and not lastly religious sentiments of the Armenians are expressed. The image of the religious and patriotic Armenian, constructed within the ideology of armenism, is also outlined in these legends.

The legends, however, contain real elements as well, as proven by the inventory annexed to the visitation proceedings. One of the entries records the following: there is an additional altar in the chapel that was originally intended to be a sacristy, in which a painting depicting the deposition from the cross of Christ our Lord was set up.

It is pointed out that the scene was painted beautifully, proficiently, and that the believers highly venerate it. It is also mentioned that Emperor Francis I presented the image to the Gherla parish in , which is a highly significant information for us.

Just two years after its consecration, in , there were already sixteen silver votive offerings around the altarpiece, a sign of distinctive respect 3. As we can see, the painting s artistic qualities were appreciated immensely already from the beginnings, and later were increasingly highlighted during the painting s evaluation sometimes even overshadowing the religious content of the depicted scene, mainly due to its 3 In Sacello eregione Sacristiae Sito est altera ara, inqua effigies Chisti Dni de Cruce depositit, peritissime depicta existit, abque magna cum fidelium devotione colitur, quam Augustissimus Imperator feliciter regnans Franciscus Secundus Parochiali huic Ecclesiae clementer donare dignatus est.

Ad hanc aram exstant appensa 16 anathemata argentea. Inventarium , 83 r. By connecting the painting with a major artist, its evaluation changed as well, and the creator became more important than the artwork itself. In the late 19 th century, all mentions and analyses of the painting invariably emphasized that it is the work of Rubens, while they did not even mention the depicted subject or its religious roots.

The Sandrart painting On February 27, , the painting entitled Descent from the Cross by Joachim von Sandrart was transported to Vienna at the request of Empress Maria Theresa , as a few years earlier the court had eagerly started collecting altarpieces in order to reestablish the imperial-royal art gallery in the Belvedere. Before its arrival to Vienna, the painting was held in the Benedictine monastery of Lambach, although we do not know when and with what purpose it got there Klemm , In return for the painting, the Empress gave the monastery a copy of a Sandrart work painted by Gottfried Krall, an Episcopal ring, respectively an entire imperial vestment with the empress M.

The painting was recorded in the Belvedere catalogs of and as the work of Joachim von Sandrart, and was on display there until , when the Armenian parish in Gherla requested from Emperor Francis an altarpiece for its church. As the painting in question was unnamed both in the request and in the reply, until the study of Chookaszian Chookaszian , the art The presented data clearly indicate that the Descent from the Cross altarpiece in Gherla is the work of Joachim von Sandrart.

The Sandrart painting of the Lambach Benedictine abbey arrived to Vienna in , where it was placed in the Belvedere, as evidenced by the catalogue entries. In , the emperor donated to the parish church of Gherla a painting from his gallery, and the work can only be the Descent from the Cross composition, that corresponds with the Descent from the Cross altarpiece that was registered in the gallery s catalogs under the authorship of Sandrart.

Uncertainty may only arise regarding the accuracy of the and inventories of the artwork, i. The intense and prolonged relationship between the painter and the Lambach Benedictines should be enough to convince us that we really are dealing with the work of the German master. Joachim von Sandrart was one of the most versatile, highly skilled and productive artists of the 17 th century. The current art historical scholarship mainly praises his theoretical work on the basis of his three-volume German Academy of the Noble Arts of Architecture, Sculpture and Painting, published in Nuremberg between and , considering his painting and graphic works to be mediocre.

The themes for the side altar paintings the Assumption of the Virgin into Heaven and the Descent from the Cross were established by the commissioners. For the latter, the painter adapted the Antwerp composition of Rubens, which had made a large impact on him 5.

The international project supported by the Deutche Forschungsgemeinschaft is preparing the critical edition of Sandrart s work; a large amount of data related to the artist s works is also available on their website. Despite his Protestant religion, after Sandart received several commissions from the Catholic Church, the most important of these being the altarpieces of the Bamberg Cathedral Virgin of Mercy and the Martyrdom of St.

John the Baptist, , the Viennese St. Placidus and his companions, the Death of St. Benedict, the Transfer of St. Sebastian Klemm , ; Heck , From a theological viewpoint, see Meier The attention of the international scholarship was directed to the Sandrart painting in Gherla by Armenian art historian Levon Chookaszian, which contributed greatly to the clarification of the painting s attribution Chookaszian , In his study, he dealt with the effects of Peter Paul Rubens certain works on the Armenian art of later periods.

He found the prototype of the partially gilded silver openwork relief on the cover of manuscript no. He considered the legend of the donation to be a fictional story, which was only circulated by the Transylvanian Armenians to establish the painting as the work of Rubens. He was followed by Christian Klemm s monograph on Sandrart, which tried to clarify the more controversial details as well, Klemm being the one who clearly connected the artwork in Gherla to Sandrart Klemm ,.

In his work, he compared the painting in Gherla with Rubens composition in Antwerp, stating that J. Richard Judson considered the We might ask the question, why did then the congregation of Gherla turn to the Emperor for an altarpiece, since in the altarpieces of the secondary altars were probably already completed, and the main altar, respectively the Chapel of the Rosary had been provided with altarpieces previously?

We might receive an answer from an entry in the magistrate proceedings, dated December 30, It was at this time that Dean Kelemen Korbuly reminded the council of a promise made in , according to which the church s new high altar will be raised from the allodial funds of the town community Protocollum , Thus the replacement of the high altar, built in the s, already came to mind in , and due to the approaching completion of the construction works and that of the altars, in it was once again on the agenda.

Therefore I consider it possible that the parish requested from the Emperor an altarpiece for the high altar. A reassuring clarification of the problem might only be achieved if new, hitherto unknown sources will be revealed. As we have seen, the delegation donating money to the emperor is only a legend; furthermore, the sources also reveal that the Gherla congregation was quite indifferent in regard to which altarpiece will be sent from Vienna.

However, the good relationship between the Armenians and the imperial court, as well as their former financial support of the Habsburgs could have played a role in the positive response to their request. It is possible that the painting was brought to Transylvania by a delegation, but it is also possible that it was transported to Gherla by Armenian traders, who often traveled to Vienna.

The painter configures the body in an elongated S shape, Christ s head falls on his right shoulder, his left arm is held firmly, his right one hangs down and doubles back behind his knee. The cross is positioned slightly to the right from the painting s central axis. Two ladders are propped against the back of the cross, which help his followers in approaching Christ s body. On the right-hand ladder, a figure depicted in semi-profile is just climbing down, while a figure is climbing upwards on the left one; the painter lets us see only his face and hands.

A brown-haired and bearded muscular figure perhaps Nicodemus leans over the top of the cross, he is the one holding Christ s left arm. The long gray-bearded, turbaned Joseph of Arimathea? The weight of the body is supported mainly by John the Apostle, whose upper body is visible in profile, his feet turn slightly outwards, one of them is firmly set on the ground. He wears blue clothing with an energetically stirring red cloak.

On Christ s left we find the group of holy women. Mary Magdalene, depicted with blonde wavy hair, leans over Christ s bleeding feet, pressing her face onto them and enwreathing them with her hands. She is one of the painting s most prominent figures, highlighted by her fair hair and richly pleated yellow cloak. Behind her a female figure wearing a dress of a darker shade of yellow, perhaps Mary of Clopas, turns away from the cross and Christ s body, weeping as she covers her face with a shroud.

The sorrowful Virgin stands to her left, who is depicted as an older woman in a blue robe, a brownish veil covers her head, she spreads her hands, her eyes are suspended on her dead son s body, her mouth is open, as if a painful cry were about to leave her lips. Beside her, an older female figure appears with her arms stretched out towards the body of Christ, perhaps Salome, Virgin Mary s elder sister.

She is characterized by strong facial features and dramatic gestures; she wears a black Analysis of the painting The focal point of the dramatic, majestic, and at the same time intimate scene is the lifeless body of Christ, which appears before a white sheet, with which his most loyal followers are trying to gently lower him down Fig. The vulnerable body, depicted with well-defined muscles, is limp, still it seems as if it were weightless, being 6 Distinguishing between Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus is hindered in the case of this painting.

While both figures appear on Ruben s altarpiece in Antwerp, here we can only see one figure dressed in illustrious clothing. The former was an honorable Jewish councilor, the latter a Pharisee and the member of the high council. In most earlier representations, it was Joseph of Arimathea that held Christ s body, thus I find it probable, that the figure depicted with a turban in the Gherla painting also represents him.

A golden bowl is visible in the lower left corner, although its contents are indiscernible due to the darkened hues of the painting. According to the Gospels, the deposition of Christ s body from the cross was set at sunset; this is what the painter wished to convey with the reddish hues that appear in the background. The scene is set on an elevated ground, thus the last rays of the setting sun project from behind the low-lying hills.

A lighter, yellowish-reddish patch also appears on the painting s left side, among the dark clouds. Compared however with the altarpiece in Gherla, there are no doubts that its composition, details, and figures are fully identical, differences can only be found in the faces. All these differences may stem from the poor quality of the extant photograph, but also from the fact that the Gherla version was restored several times, and the not always professional interventions could have masked its finer traits.

By comparing the two images, one may also note that the top and bottom of the Gherla painting were tucked in when it was inserted into the frame. Christopher in the Antwerp Cathedral Fig. The patron saint of the commissioner archers guild, St. Christopher, received criticism from 17 th century ecclesiastical authors, its legend was not 7 It may also be found in the database downloaded: May 1, For this reason, understandably, the triptych s main scene could not represent the guild s patron saint.

But with Rubens, they found the most appropriate solution to represent the saint, through New Testament scenes that alluded to Christopher. Starting from the etymology of the name Christophorus meaning Christ-bearer , Rubens conceived a layered, well-structured allegory Judson , Thus, the triptych s right wing displays the theme of the Visitation, where the Virgin carries the Savior in her womb, while on the left side, in the scene of the Presentation of Jesus in the Temple, Simeon holds the infant in his arms.

The large central panel painting is constructed with several levels on the image of bearing Christ, on the one hand through the cross, traditionally beheld as the bearer of Christ, on the other hand through his loyal followers that lower his body from the cross.

Rubens, as pointed out by Evers, was aware of the need to create a divine body that would refer to the Eucharist as well Judson , This is achieved partly by the power of the interior light spreading from the dead, pale, sometimes grayish body: he highlights the lifelessness of the body through fine color tuning, as the other male figures bodies have a browner hue, and the women kneeling at his feet, despite their lighter skin tone, are full of life as well, Mary s face alone is characterized by the paleness of the divine body.

On the other hand, as I already mentioned in the case of the Sandrart painting, the Christ s body seems to be light, despite its limpness. Except the figure in the foreground, standing on a ladder Joseph of Arimathea or Nicodemus 9, each figure touches, or is reaching towards his body. Their intention to participate in the story on the one hand connects them, and on the other hand turns them into the members of the Church, interpreted as Corpus Christi.

The painter achieves unity by a compositional element that differs from his predecessors. Compared to the Italian examples, Rubens work includes a major innovation as well. The similarly themed Italian works are bipolar, always organized around two centers; one of them being the body of Christ, while the other one the figure of Mary, collapsing from the emotional shock.

However, the Flemish master does not emphasize the figure of Virgin Mary at all, neither does he attribute to her emotional outburst; she is depicted among the other figures, her hands stretched out towards her son. This concept of the Virgin Mary standing firmly at the foot of the cross, not weak or collapsing, is based on the gospel of John John , which was diffused in Europe in the 16 th and 17 th centuries by Franciscan literature and art with such popular works as the hymn Stabat mater dolorosa Judson , Rubens expresses the powerful faith of Virgin Mary, who is depicted with a sorrowful expression, yet she is not collapsing, as the chosen Mother of God is certain that her son will resurrect.

This change in 10 Today, the drawing is located in the Hermitage in St. Petersburg inv. Although it contains an inscription that links it to Daniele da Volterra, it is clear that besides this, the author used other sources as well. For example, the figures of John and Mary, together with Christ s body, surprisingly resemble the figures of the mentioned Cigoli painting, Held correlates the figure of Mary Magdalene with the kneeling woman in yellow dress set in the foreground of the wall painting The fire in the Borgo by Raphael, as for the figure of John in the St.

Petersburg drawing, it might even be considered as a variation of the man standing with his back in the Judgment of Solomon by Raphael. The drawing s dating is uncertain, Held argues that it was created a great deal before the Antwerp composition, around Held , , others date it to The cross, the sheet, John s position, the figure holding the sheet in his mouth, and the kneeling women already resemble greatly the altarpiece s final composition, but there is also an important difference.

The collapsed figure of Mary can be seen according to the tradition of the 16 th and 17 th centuries, afar from her son s body, her hands being defined by a vigorous, sorrowful gesture. There is a strong intimacy between them already in this painting, Christ s feet are resting on Mary Magdalene s shoulder, and she is the only one who touches the body with both hands, her eyes fixed on the Savior. This close relationship becomes even more pronounced in Rubens s later Descent from the Cross compositions.

In the version in the Museum in Lille, Mary Magdalene is kissing Christ s hand, in the painting in Valenciennes, she embraces his feet, in the painting in the Hermitage in St. Petersburg she holds his arm, this attitude being the most prominent in the Arras composition, where the body of the Savior is about to fall in the arms of the woman kneeling on the ground with open arms, respectively in the version hanging in Our Lady s Church in Saint-Omer, where she folds her right hand around his leg with, while with her left she holds the body that almost collapses onto her Judson ,.

Sandrart, although closely followed the Rubens painting that created a model and a typology, did not succeed is preserving its majestic unity and multi-layered content. While Rubens shows the cross slightly in side view, Sandrart depicts it frontally, also abandoning the wooden elements propping the cross, while the ladders are more visible, as the figures obscure them to a lesser degree. The scene s position in the landscape is more prominent, a characteristic that may be traced back to his favorite Dutch painting.

He keeps the composition arranged in a diagonal axis; however, it is shifted in an upwards narrowing direction. Thus, while the four female figures in the lower left corner are broader in scope, the figures of John and Joseph of Arimathea are increasingly narrowing, culminating in the one figure bending above the cross. In the Rubens painting two characters bend over the cross, the left one is highlighted through his defined muscles and fine hand gestures that almost touch Christ s shoulders, while the right one is emphasized by a surprisingly passionate gesture, namely that he keeps the sheet in his mouth.

In the case of Sandrart, by leaving out the figure on the left side, the peak of the composition becomes less pronounced, he effaces the laborers and discreetly embeds them in the scenery, varying their figures with the upwards and downwards motion on the ladder. In the case of Rubens, the half-naked figure on the left side kicks his left leg back, while the empty space created by Sandrart by leaving out this motion is filled with the lines of Joseph of Sandrart also leaves out the figure standing at the right side of a ladder, present in the Rubens painting, and in order to balance the composition, he leans back the figure of John, moving his mantle vigorously.

There is a change in the movements of his feet as well, he does not place his foot on the ladder, instead he supports himself with it. His figure thus becomes less graceful, and his relationship with the dead body also changes. His leaning posture gives an impression, as if the body s weight would recline on him more heavily, however, his hand does not reach behind it, instead it holds the skirts of the sheet, while his right hand disappears among the folds.

The caring gesture produced by the embrace of Rubens St. John is missing here. On the opposite side rises the elegant figure of Joseph of Arimathea, touching the body of Christ under his left arm. The painter portrayed him in a turban as a dignified eastern lord; this is probably not unrelated to Rembrandt s influence Klemm , , fn.

His face successfully expresses his state of awe. Mary Magdalene s figure is emphasized more here than at Rubens. She becomes one of the painting s main characters. Her gesture is somewhat uncertain, neither does she kneel nor does she stand, she leans passionately towards Christ, mourning and embracing his desecrated feet, as if they would not slip further on in a moment.

A drawing by the painter clearly shows the connection between Mary Magdalene s figure and the central female character of another Rubens work entitled The Anointing at Bethany, located in the collection of the Hermitage Klemm , As I have already signaled, one of the major innovations of Rubens was, that contrary to earlier representations, the scene does not fall apart, the body s deposition and the grieving women form a fine unit.

In this respect Sandrart seems to have been unable to break with tradition, however, due to his attachment to the composition in Antwerp, this does not become too conspicuous. The emotional-affective charge of the female figures receives a much greater emphasis in his painting, achieved through the upheld arms of Mary, with her open mouth, the female figure that turns away bursting in tears, and Mary Magdalene with her painful face pressed against Christ s leg; their reaction is more active, striking, but at the same time less effective, less elegant, less shaken.

It is Mary s figure that seems not to fit the most in this composition: she stands upright at the edge of the painting; she is bound to her son through her gaze, the gesture of her lifted hands and open lips being theatrical. This theatricality removes her away from the event; her pain seems directed and posed. Based on the profile of the older female figure, with her hands reached out towards Christ, we may conclude that Sandrart probably knew a later work of Rubens, the Descent from the Cross altarpiece produced in for the Capuchin church in Lille, because there a similar woman appears on the painting s left side as well, who is even older and is illustrated with powerful features, with raised hands.

Although it is Rubens depiction of the dead body, which had the strongest influence on our painter, we may note a few differences even there. On the painting in Gherla, the muscles of the Savior are more elaborate, they are more bulging, but in Rubens painting his head falls more naturally and easily on his shoulder, his right arm is held up higher, his right knee doubles back; overall his entire body is more flaccid. In Rubens s work, Christ s face receives a more dramatic, yet gentler expression through the slightly open eyes and mouth.

Sandrart opens Christ s eyes a little wider, but covers his lips with a mustache, thus depriving him from a significant means of expression. It is also striking that Christ s wound is placed not on his right, but on his left side, as a deep but hardly bleeding wound. The same may be said about the wounds made by the nails on his feet and hands, which are no longer bleeding. In the case of Rubens, the blood oozing from his side wound soaks his loincloth and the sheet under his left arm, blood flows viscously from his left hand, moreover, his right arm is bloody almost to his elbow.

Rubens used this means of expression not only to enhance the dramatic effect, but possibly also as a reference to the Eucharist, to the unity of Christ s body and blood. Sandrart is able to exploit the expectation, longing and intense atmosphere before the moment of touch only in one case, in the motion of the older female figure, but due to her stiff arms, he does not succeed in creating such a gentle gesture as the ones of the Virgin Mary or that of the man bending over the cross, as it can be observed at Rubens.

This comparison reveals that Sandrart obviously did not build his composition based on impressions and memories formed during a onetime viewing of Rubens work, but probably used the engraving of Lucas Vosterman from See Judson, , Fig. At the same time, it is obvious that he modified this prototype according to his own taste, including figures from other works by Rubens, while the figure of Nicodemus alludes to Rembrandt s influence.

The main The effort to express the exaggerated emotional state of the women, as well as to highlight Mary Magdalene, shifts the composition to the left, which thereby is slightly off-balance. As shown above, all the legends from the 19th century that are very much present in the Armenian communities today agree that the painting is a work of Peter Paul Rubens and it was taken to Gherla as a present from Emperor Francis. Although the painting was indeed from Emperor Francis, it was not registered under the name of Rubens but of Joachim von Sandrart at its earlier location in Belvedere.

The history of the painting can also be traced back: by request of Maria Theresa, it was taken to Vienna from a Benedictine monastery in Lambach where Sandrart worked from to Probably the painter himself donated his own copy of his altar painting, The Descent from the Cross. All this data reveals that the altarpiece in Gherla cannot be a work of Rubens, but is the same as the painting registered as that of Joachim von Sandrart in the and Belvedere catalogues.

By comparing it to Rubens s work, the Descent from the cross in Antwerp, the shortcomings of the painting in Gherla become apparent, but despite these, the painting still remains the most qualitative and most valuable altarpiece of Gherla, as well as of the entire Armenian community in Transylvania. Its importance is only increased by the complex history of its reception and by the prominent role occupied in the memory of the Transylvanian Armenians.

Articles, Anecdotes], Budapest Beschreibendes Verseichniss. III, Wien Sandrart et la Teutsche Academie, Paris I, London Judson Judson J. Lebens Lauf, Berlin Meier Ester, Joachim von Sandrart. II, Painting], Cluj-Napoca Joachim von Sandrart, Descent from the Cross. Gherla, Armenian Catholic Parish Church. Cathedral of Our Lady, Antwerp. Peter Paul Rubens, Descent from the Cross. The prints were restored in the museum laboratory, but until now they remained unlisted in the catalog of Dutch prints.

This paper will analyze the data that have been available to us concerning the biography and the works of the etcher. The prints of the series are identified and put in the context, as well as the production of this series, published for the first time in Icones Biblicae is a series of illustrations based upon selected texts of the Old and the New Testament and the works of Flavius Josephus.

Jan Luyken was born in Amsterdam in to a Protestant family. His first sons were baptized and registered as members of the Remonstrant congregation, but the youngest son Johannes Jan, Joan was only registered in , in the Anabaptist Mennonite congregation. Abrahamsz Galen was also associated with the Collegiants and the Socinians settled in Amsterdam. A tense atmosphere reigned among various groups who frequently dispute the true faith. Galenus fought for the unification of various Mennonite factions.

In his opinion, the Bible must be the only guide of the Christian life and believer has the right to interpret the Holy Scriptures. The young Jan Luyken was brought up in an austere milieu in his father s house, nonetheless he received a good education.

Probably after the death of his father, Jan Luyken entered as an apprentice to the painter Martin Saeghmolen , where he remained until Even though in , at his marriage to the actress Maria de Oudens, he declared himself a painter, only a few portraits might be attributed to him. In he published his first volume of love poems, entitled The Dutch Lyre Duitse lier. Jan Luyken is considered one of the representative poets of the last decades of the seventeenth century.

His poetry exalts the joy of life, the love and nature, away from both Baroque and classical pattern, with a modern sensibility, foreshadowing Romanticism Meijer ,. In , Jan returned to a devout life, made the public confession of his faith and was baptized into the Lamist Mennonite Church in Amsterdam. Soon after, he joined the congregation of Beverwijck, where Paul Bastiansz was the preacher of the college The True Prophecy.

A mystical experience marked his life in He gave up his career as a painter, preferring to be a designer and etcher of illustrations for books, which allowed him to work alone in his studio. It is not known how Jan Luyken came to learn the etching techniques. His brother Christoffel Luyken had been a book publisher and it can be assumed that his friends of the same trade, as well as the Mennonite brethren helped him receive the first commissions as a book illustrator.

The talent, the inventiveness and the rapidity with which he conceived his compositions helped him become a prodigious illustrator. In the first stage, the etching technique allowed the artist to draw directly on the copper plate, with the same ability with which he drew on the sheet of paper. The next stages, namely the methods of biting the plate with acid, the finishing with the needle and burin, had to be learned and well mastered. Luyken and Decker worked together to illustrate a work of great popularity at the time, The history of warfare in the Netherlands Oorspronck, begin, en vervolgh der Nederlandsche oorlogen, beroerten, en borgerlyke oneenigheden written by Pieter Christiaensz.

Bor and published in Amsterdam in Eeghen, Kellen I 9. Amsterdam was an important typographic center with an impressive book production. Thanks to his imagination and the ease with which he designed his compositions, Luyken became an illustrator much sought after by the book publishers in Amsterdam. His work includes c etchings Hollstein XI He illustrated history books, scientific, religious as well as travel books.

This constant activity as an illustrator did not stop him pursuing his poetical work. He wrote pious lyrics, associated with engraved emblems, published in with the titles Jesus and the Soul Jesus en de Ziel and in Sparks of Love for Jesus Voncken der Liefde Jesu.

Jan Luyken has chosen an ascetic life, often withdrawing into solitude, especially after the death of his wife and four out of his five sons. Another encounter will deeply mark his spiritual existence. The theme of pilgrimage toward eternal life would become a constant motif in the poetical and visual creation of Jan Luyken. Since , the printmaker s son Casper Luyken began working with his father and even signed several illustrations with his name.

One of the most popular collaboration of the two illustrators was the publication of the book The trades of Man Het menselyk bedryf , in , illustrated with one hundred prints, an accurate mirror of everyday life in the late Dutch seventeenth century. The trades of Man was the only book published at the artist s own expense. Jan Luyken wanted to illustrate the book written by his father and published in , entitled Infallible Rule of Profit without Loss Onfeylbare reghel van winste sonder verlies.

Another goal for Jan Luyken was to imbue his son with moral values, at the very age he used to be drawn into a life of pleasures Eeghen , The enormous success of The trades of Man generated forgeries and reprints, one of them being published in , in Regensburg by Christoph Weigel and George Christoph Eimmart. Jan Luyken already collaborated with the German publisher in to illustrate Biblia Ectypa Eeghen , Etchings by Jan Luyken Iconibus repraesentatae et ad excitandas bonas meditations selectis epigrammatibus exornatae in lucem datae a Christophoro Weigelio Noribergae.

One copy of this series of prints is to be found in the library of the Brukenthal National Museum. The album was published in Nuremberg, in , with a dedication to the Emperor Joseph made by the German publisher. One hundred twenty seven illustrations were accomplished by Casper and ninety nine by Jan Luyken. This sort of publication is known as Picture Bible, Bilderbibel or Figures de la Bible, an album with engravings on biblical themes. This is not an illustrated Bible which contains the full text and images.

Coelen , The text of the Picture Bible is reduced to a brief presentation of the iconographic theme, often with moralizing lyrics and emblems. As a matter of fact, the Picture Bibles evolved from the tradition of emblems books. The Picture Bible was initiated by Martin Luther in and soon became a popular publication within the Protestant milieu.

Being a product with a guaranteed success, the Picture Bibles were to be found in the portfolio of German, French, Flemish and Dutch publishers in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. During the eighteenth century, the Picture Bible has become a specialty of the many publishers in Amsterdam. Text and image were designed in such a way as to be accessible to a larger number of people.

However, there were inconsistencies between text and image, sometimes even errors of representation, perpetuated by the repetition of the iconographic patterns and especially through the personal interpretation of certain details added by the illustrators. In the preface of Biblia Ectypa, Christoph Weigel stated the need to correct the texts, whenever they were confusing or not exactly in compliance with the scriptural sources.

As far as the accuracy of the image according to the text is concerned, this was left to the imagination of the artist. The Picture Bible became a display of selected stories, meant to delight both the reader and the viewer Engammare ,. The release, in the same year in Nuremberg and Amsterdam, of biblical images accompanied by texts which can be classified into Figures de la Bible type Picture Bible , indicates the great success of these publications.

The German edition, Historiae Celebriores fits in this kind of work. However, the Dutch edition of Icones Biblicae printed in differs substantially. Luyken s prints were published by Pieter Mortier without any explanatory text, only stating the title of the iconographic theme and quoting the scriptural source. The biblical reference quoted on each etching may however be the hint for the preacher. Amsterdam bij F. One may consider that Jan Luyken sought to illustrate only the selected texts from the Scriptures in accordance with the Mennonite faith.

Luyken s interpretation of the scriptural excerpts was also influenced by the Pietists, who believed that the entire Bible can be interpreted by every devout, not just by those belonging to the clergy. If daily Bible reading and private meditation were a common practice of the Reformed faithful, Luyken gave his fellow believers his own reading of the scriptures and his interpretation in a sequence of visual sermons.

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